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Response to New York Times Denigrating Ganesha
Published
11 years agoon
By
ihar
(Picture of Ganesha procession in Mumbai that appeared in the NYT)
Two weeks ago, it was Gardiner Harris, South Asia Correspondent of the New York Times (NYT) bemoaning the rise of Narendra Modi in India (link). A week later, it was Ellen Barry, again of NYT, troubled by the immense display of faith to the most popular deity, Ganesha, of the oldest living non-aggressive tradition of this world (link).
It is interesting that in his biography, Gardiner readily admits (link) that ‘the complexity of India is paralyzing’. Having written about science, medicine and food, he begins to write about not just Politics, but Indian Politics. By parroting stereotypes offered by the incumbent ruling party of India, he has proved beyond doubt that the leap from food to Indian politics isn’t for him. (For more, see here)
I re-read Ms. Barry’s article (link) on the Ganesha celebration to identify the crimes committed by Mumbaiites that attracted her ire. I did not find anything obvious.
Is she worried that corporations seem to be sponsoring this festival? Does Barry know that Hinduism is unlike any Abrahamic religion, and that its vision of the Almighty so all encompassing that it stands apart from the exclusivist religions such as Christianity and Islam. This makes companies in India associate with this tradition without being “branded” as having religious affiliation. Does Ellen Barry know that the word Hinduism is itself a western projection on a tradition that is not quite a religion in the Abrahamic sense?
Perhaps Barry is worried that with the price of vegetables like onions shooting through the roof, Hindus have their priorities misplaced – spending money on clay images of Ganesha, only to immerse all of these in the ocean! How can a population be so sadistic as to drown their own revered Deity? To understand this ritual, Barry will have to do some homework on Trantra Shaastra and Yoga Shaastra.
Or is Barry deeply concerned about the “gaudiness” of “this year’s crop of Ganeshas”? Perhaps she doesn’t know that a common ritual during this season involves adults and children making forms of Ganesha in clay at home, and then performing a puja (i.e. invoking the almighty in the new form). Never does a Hindu judge a form of the Almighty by its appearance, except to appreciate a beautifully formed solid form. Even otherwise, how does it matter to Barry if these clay forms are beautiful or not? And then the dancing men appear to her like “red ghosts”? By categorizing devotees with such mean words, she is demonizing and denigrating a culture and its people. Would she dare to write about Id-ul-Fitr in a demeaning way?
I challenge Ellen Barry to instead engage in a more constructive study of the seeming contradictions, symbology and metaphysics of Hinduism.
Perhaps Barry is allergic to rituals? Is she conditioned by a religion that has branded deities and worship of figurines of the divine (“Thou shalt not make … an idol, or any likeness of what is in heaven above or on the earth beneath or in the water under the earth.” Exodus 20:4, or ‘Cursed be the man who makes a carved or cast metal image, an abomination to the Lord,…’ Deuteronomy 27:15) and therefore has been taught to view Hindus as ‘pagans’ or ‘devil worshipers’?
Barry quotes a Mr. Sundakar “Ganesh doesn’t sort anything out for you, in my personal experience, … Last year, I didn’t bring an idol, and I had a good job. This year, I brought an idol and I am unemployed.” “I don’t like Ganesh,” he said. “Maybe it’s random chance. But I think he is bad luck for me.”
This shows how low Ellen Barry will stoop to denigrate Hinduism. How hard is it to get somebody to say “Jesus doesn’t sort anything out for me. Last year I was a Hindu, I was doing well. They forced me to convert to Christianity under the pretext of Jesus Saves and now I am in the streets left holding a cross. Missionaries are ruining the country.” In fact, there is ample evidence that Missionaries are systematically fragmenting India under the guise of charity and human rights, with covert and overt assistance from the West. I recommend a reading of the book “Breaking India” to get a glimpse of the demographic and cultural violence perpetuated by the Western nexuses.
It is also possible that Barry is troubled by the “lavish spending on temple, rituals …” A bit of history might help her. Indian civilization was a center of learning of arts, architecture, technology, mathematics, and philosophies for many centuries in the first millennium. Then, waves of Islamic incursions started in the 700 CE and lasted 1000 years. One of their favorite pass times is the destruction of temples and idols. For example, in 1024 CE, Mahmud of Ghazni took pride in personally destroying the idol of Shiva in the Somnath temple in Gujarat, while his henchmen plucked jewels and rubies from the walls and idols of the temples, and then began breaking all idols. The temple was rebuilt several decades later, only to be destroyed again by Allauddin Khilji in 1296. (He also boasted that “fifty thousand infidels were dispatched to hell by the sword” and “more than twenty thousand slaves, and cattle beyond all calculation fell into the hands of the victors”, but that is secondary). The temple was rebuilt again 15 years later, only to meet destruction 3 more times. All told, more that 2000 temples were destroyed throughout India. Is it possible that the trauma that Indians suffered makes them even more attracted to spending on temples and rituals? Barry should read the book “Hindu Temples – What Happened to Them”.
Here are more ideas that I have for Barry if she wants to improve her writeups from meaningless rambling to authoritative scholarship. In 2004, an Aryan burial was found in the city of Omsk (Link). Then in 2007, a statue of Vishnu was discovered in the Volga region dated more than 1000 years ago (Link). Do these represent artifacts of trade alone or thriving Hindu communities? Are there any similarities between the customs of Russian orthodox church and Hinduism? Is it true that the Russian ceremony Vizhnyir Ekoratsya Vikhunh is the equivalent of Vaikhunta Ekadasi of Hinduism?
Being a American journalist serving as a Moscow Bureau Chief, perhaps Barry would be interested in language. It appears that hundreds of Russian words show stark similarity with Sanskrit. Here is a small sample:
Russian | Meaning | Sanskrit |
| Sutra | Thread, yarn, string | Sutra |
| Viraama | To stop | Viraama |
| Boya | Fear | Bhaya |
| Pi | To drink | Pi |
| Tapot | To make warm, melt | Tapati |
| Vid | To know | Vid |
| Seedit | Sits | Seedati |
| Bog | God | Bhaga |
| Vakora | crooked | Vakra |
| Sushka | Dry | Shushka |
| Usṭha | Lip | Oshṭha |
| Dver | Door | Dvaara |
Is this similarity coincidental, and if not, what was the nature of cultural exchange between the two civilizations?
How is Hinduism different from Abrahamic religions? Is Hinduism based on dogma? What is the significance of the doctrine of Karma and how does it help those who believe in it? What are the important metaphysical contributions of Hinduism to humanity?

(Picture of Vishnu in that appeared in the NYT)
This article by Ellen Barry shows not only her immaturity, but also the irresponsibility of The New York Times (NYT) for approving articles that denigrate Hinduism. Hindus will seriously consider unsubscribing to the NYT unless the article is retracted and corrected.
Press Release: http://www.indiacause.com/blog/2013/10/08/response-to-new-york-times-denigrating-ganesha/
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UNDERSTANDING THE CHRONOLOGY OF RAIGADH WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE GIVEN TO ITS STRUCTURAL MONUMENTS
Published
4 days agoon
January 16, 2026By
Suprabho Roy
Raigadh: A Journey Through Thirteen Centuries of Architectural Heritage
Nestled in the Sabarkantha district of Gujarat, the small village of Raigadh (23°36’17” N, 73°10’42” E) stands as a remarkable open-air museum of Indian architectural evolution. From the late 7th century to the 20th century, this humble settlement has accumulated an extraordinary collection of structural monuments that chronicle the reign of multiple dynasties and the transformation of religious beliefs and practices. By studying Raigadh’s monuments, we can trace the architectural innovations, iconographical changes, and cultural shifts that shaped North Gujarat’s history.
The Maitraka Legacy: The Mota Mahadev Temple
The oldest surviving monument in Raigadh is the Mota Mahadev temple, dating to the late 7th century CE during the Maitraka period. This Shiva temple exemplifies the Phamsana architectural style, featuring a distinctive Ksoni or Gandharic-type Shikhara (spire). The original Maitraka design consisted of a Shikhara and a Garbhagriha (inner sanctum), adorned with intricate sculptures of Ganesha and Maithuna (amorous couple) figures that reveal the artistic sophistication of this ancient dynasty. What makes this temple particularly significant is its continuous religious importance. Centuries later, during the Solanki period (10th century), the temple underwent substantial renovations. The Solanki additions included a Mandapa (entrance hall) with a Kakshasana (bench-like structure), complete with plain pillars topped with lotus patterns. This evolution reveals how temples were actively modified across generations, adapting to changing worship practices. The temple boasts sculptures from both periods, including a standing Ganesha from the Maitraka era and later additions like a Nandi (bull mount of Shiva), Pranala (water channel), and a goddess figure, likely Parvati. Though the temple has undergone modern renovations with lime mortar and cement, it remains a living temple, worshipped especially during auspicious occasions like Mahashivaratri.
The Saindhava Contribution: Kashi Vishwanath Temple
The 9th century witnessed the construction of the Kashi Vishwanath temple during the Saindhava period, reflecting the dynasty’s influence in North Gujarat. Built entirely in sandstone, this temple showcases a Phamsana Vimana with a Ksoni Phamsanakara Shikhara—a pyramidal or diamond-shaped design that distinguishes it from contemporary structures. The east-facing temple follows an architectural plan featuring a Vimana with a sanctum and no ambulatory path, representing a distinct approach to temple design. The sculptural program of this temple deserves particular attention. The northern wall displays Andhakasuravedha, a four-handed form of Shiva depicted with a trident and the demon Andhakasura positioned above. The western wall features Bhairavi, the feminine counterpart of Bhairava, captured in an energetic Rudra Tandava (cosmic dance) with bent legs and an attending drummer. The southern wall houses Chamunda, a form of Katyayni and one of the Sapta Matrika (Seven Mothers), rendered in surprisingly human form rather than skeletal. These sculptures reveal sophisticated iconographical knowledge and demonstrate the 9th-century artistic tradition’s depth. Currently, the temple survives as a living sanctuary, though its sculptures show weathering, and structural elements like pillars and amlaka (stone finial) display signs of decay. It remains an active worship site on significant Hindu festivals, preserving unbroken continuity of devotion spanning over a millennium.
Innovation and Utility: The Solanki Stepwells
Contemporary with the Kashi Vishwanath temple’s later phases, the 10th-century Solanki period produced remarkable stepwells (Bhadra) that reflect advanced hydraulic engineering. These structures, constructed in sandstone with an east-west orientation, descend six storeys deep, featuring curved arches on each level. One stepwell includes a small chamber at its terminus, adorned with a Ganesha sculpture on its lintel, connecting utilitarian architecture with spiritual significance. The third storey houses a Chamunda sculpture whose stylistic qualities echo the iconographical changes occurring in this period. These stepwells appear strategically positioned near the Kashi Vishwanath temple, suggesting integrated temple complexes designed for both religious and practical purposes. The architectural features, particularly the pillar designs, parallel those found in the Solanki Mandapa of Mota Mahadev, indicating consistent construction methodologies across different monument types.
The Jain Testament: The Solanki Jain Temple
Built during the 11th or 12th century under Solanki patronage—likely under monarchs like Jayasimha Siddharaja or Kumarapal—the Jain temple dedicated to Sri Kunthunath (the seventeenth Jain Tirthankara) represents significant architectural complexity. The temple follows a comprehensive architectural plan including a Vimana, Garbhagriha, multiple Mandapas, and an Antrala (intermediate chamber). Sculptures of Sri Kunthunath and Vardhaman Mahavira adorn its walls, while a Vyali (mythical creature) appears on the lintel. Two inscriptions, written in Devanagari script, provide invaluable documentary evidence. The first, dated to Samvata 1717, records donations by Bhavanidas and his ancestors. The second mentions Lakha, identified as the sculptor of the Sri Kunthunath figure. These inscriptions document religious practices and preserve the names of patron families, offering rare glimpses into medieval Gujarati society. Despite its architectural sophistication, the temple currently stands in a ruined state, a poignant reminder of cultural heritage’s fragility.
Later Developments: Medieval and Modern Monuments
Subsequent centuries added new layers to Raigadh’s architectural narrative. The 14th-15th century Shakti temple, locally known as Repri Mata temple, reflects the Maru-Gurjara architectural style. The 17th-18th century Chhatri (cenotaph), dedicated to rulers of the Marwar dynasty governing Idar, stands on the village’s southern foothills in ruined condition. Most recently, the Goswami community, arriving in the early 20th century, established over 50 Samadhis (memorial structures), of which 28 remain today, representing modern funerary architecture and spiritual continuity.
Conclusion:
Reading History in Stone Raigadh’s monuments form an extraordinary chronological narrative spanning thirteen centuries. From the Maitraka Shiva temple to 20th-century Samadhis, these structures document the rise and fall of dynasties, the evolution of religious iconography, the permanence of worship, and the persistence of community memory. By preserving Raigadh’s architectural heritage, we conserve not merely buildings, but the lived history of Gujarat’s diverse populations and their enduring cultural values.
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Stones, Seals & Grants: Reweaving Chalukya Power in the Early Medieval Deccan
Published
4 days agoon
January 16, 2026By
Suprabho Roy
Stones, Seals & Grants: Understanding Chalukya Power in the Early Medieval Deccan
Introduction
For centuries, the Chalukya dynasty has been studied through the lens of royal conquest and centralized empires. However, recent archaeological and epigraphic discoveries are fundamentally reshaping our understanding of how power actually functioned in early medieval Deccan. Rather than viewing Chalukya authority as a top-down system of control, scholars now recognize it as a sophisticated network of practices—woven together through temple patronage, copper-plate grants, and carefully negotiated alliances with local elites. This shift in perspective reveals that Chalukya power was not simply inherited or conquered; it was continuously constructed, performed, and reinforced through everyday administrative practices, sacred architecture, and strategic land redistribution.
The Chalukya Dynasty: Rulers of a Networked Deccan
Historical Context and Geographic Reach
The Chalukyas (6th–12th centuries CE) emerged as one of the most significant dynasties of the Deccan region, ruling vast territories that encompassed both Western and Eastern domains. The Western Chalukyas controlled areas centered around Badami and later Kalyani, while the Eastern Chalukyas dominated the Vengi region. This geographical division was not a sign of weakness but rather a sophisticated administrative strategy that allowed the dynasty to maintain influence across diverse regions with distinct cultural, linguistic, and economic characteristics.
Beyond the Model of Centralized Empire
Traditional historical narratives have often portrayed medieval Indian dynasties as centralized empires with absolute monarchs wielding power from capital cities. The Chalukya case complicates this model significantly. Rather than a unified, monolithic state structure, Deccan power under the Chalukyas operated as a network of negotiated relationships. Local elites, temple institutions, agrarian communities, and emerging feudatory chiefs all played active roles in sustaining and legitimizing Chalukya rule. This networked approach enabled the dynasty to accommodate regional diversity while maintaining broader political cohesion—a model that proved remarkably effective across six centuries of rule.
Material Evidence: The Kodad Copper Plates and Mudimanikyam Temple
The Kodad Copper Plate (c. 918 CE)
One of the most significant recent discoveries is the Kodad Copper Plate, dated to approximately 918 CE during the reign of a Vengi Chalukya king. This inscribed plate is far more than a ceremonial artifact; it represents a crucial administrative document that reveals how power was systematically documented and disseminated.[1]
The Kodad plate records a coronation grant—an official allocation of land and privileges awarded to celebrate a royal succession. The text provides several layers of historical information: a detailed genealogy of the ruling family, specifications of land rewards granted to favored nobles and institutions, and explicit taxation clauses that clarified revenue rights and obligations. By examining such documents, we gain insight into how military service was converted into permanent landed privileges—a process that formalized social hierarchy and bound regional elites to the Chalukya crown through tangible economic benefits.
Significantly, the Kodad plate contains the earliest clear reference to the emerging Kakatiya chiefs, a lineage that would eventually establish its own powerful dynasty in the region. This notation illustrates how Chalukya inscriptions served as administrative records that tracked the rise of new regional powers, a dynamic relationship rather than static dominance.
The Mudimanikyam Panchakūta Temple (8th–9th century)
While inscriptions document administrative decisions, architecture demonstrates power in physical space. The Mudimanikyam temple complex in Telangana, constructed during the 8th–9th centuries, exemplifies the distinctive Chalukya approach to sacred architecture. The temple is remarkable for its unique five-shrine configuration—a design known as panchakuta (five towers)—which represents a sophisticated synthesis of architectural traditions.
The complex blends elements of both Kadamba and Nagara architectural styles, reflecting the cosmopolitan architectural culture of the Deccan. Rather than imposing a single standardized temple design across their empire, the Chalukyas appears to have encouraged regional architectural experimentation and adaptation. This flexibility strengthened their cultural authority because temples served dual purposes: they functioned as ritual centers for religious communities and simultaneously acted as tangible markers of royal presence and patronage. A Chalukya temple was not merely a place of worship—it was a statement of political legitimacy built into the landscape.
Expanding the Archaeological Picture: Brick Temples and New Discoveries
Brick Temple Foundations in Maharashtra (11th century)
Archaeological excavations in Maharashtra have uncovered the foundations of Chalukya-period temples constructed from brick rather than stone. This discovery, perhaps seemingly mundane, fundamentally challenges assumptions about Chalukya temple architecture. Historians had previously assumed that all significant Chalukya religious structures were built from stone, implying a uniform, monumental approach. The brick temples reveal a different reality: regional architectural experimentation and adaptation were deliberate policies, not exceptions.
The presence of diverse construction materials—stone for major complexes, brick for regional temples—suggests that Chalukya elites understood different building strategies for different contexts. Grand stone temples in Telangana and Karnataka communicated royal magnificence and permanence; more modest brick temples in Maharashtra demonstrated accessibility and cultural engagement with local communities. Together, these varied architectural strategies reinforced Chalukya authority across diverse populations and geographies.
New Copper Plate Grants from Telangana
Recently conserved copper plate grants from Telangana provide extraordinarily detailed records of agrarian administration and fiscal management. These plates record boundary descriptions with precision, specify tax divisions among different categories of land, and detail village allocations and their redistributions. Unlike the Kodad plate, which focuses on royal coronation, these records illuminate the administrative machinery of everyday governance.
These documents reveal a sophisticated understanding of land as a political instrument. Grants of land were not merely economic transactions; they were calculated acts of resource redistribution designed to secure and maintain the loyalty of local elites. Each plate can be read as evidence of deliberate fiscal policy intended to balance competing interests and consolidate authority. As the presentation notes, “land is equal to the currency of political negotiation” in the Chalukya context—a profound insight into the material basis of medieval power.
Methodology: How Scholars Reconstruct the Past
Understanding Chalukya power requires a multidisciplinary approach that synthesizes diverse types of evidence. Scholars examining this period employ several complementary research techniques:
Epigraphic Analysis: Scholars carefully translate and analyze copper plates and stone inscriptions, extracting genealogical information, administrative details, and references to contemporary personalities and places. This linguistic detective work reveals how ruling families represented themselves and legitimized their authority through written language.
Architectural Study: Detailed examination of temple plans, stylistic elements, construction techniques, and spatial organization provides evidence of aesthetic choices, regional influences, and the pragmatic concerns of builders. Architecture speaks when documents are silent.
Prosopography: This technique involves systematically tracking named individuals mentioned in inscriptions—nobles, officials, priests, and merchants—across multiple documents. By tracing individuals through space and time, scholars reconstruct networks of power and patronage that connected royal courts to regional societies.
Archaeological Context: Careful excavation, material analysis, and scientific dating techniques (such as radiocarbon analysis) ground inscriptions and architecture in chronological frameworks and material reality.
Synthesis: The final step integrates all this evidence. When copper plate texts are cross-linked with temple foundations, genealogical references with architectural styles, and administrative records with excavation reports, a fuller picture emerges—one that shows how Chalukya authority was constructed through ritual performance, economic distribution, and everyday administrative practice rather than brute force alone.
Rewriting Chalukya History: From Royal Chronicles to Institutional Practice
The Institutional Turn
Recent discoveries fundamentally alter how we conceptualize Chalukya rule. Rather than reading chronicles of royal conquest and succession, scholars now focus on the everyday institutions that sustained power: the bureaucratic systems that recorded grants, the temple organizations that managed resources, the elite networks that mediated between royal authority and local communities, and the agricultural base that generated the surplus wealth necessary to support courts, temples, armies, and administration.
This shift from “top-down” models of power to “institutional” models represents one of the most significant methodological changes in medieval Indian historiography. It acknowledges that power operates through systems and relationships, not merely through the decisions of individual rulers.
The Kodad Plates and Legal Transformation
The Kodad plates exemplify this institutional approach. These documents reveal how military service could be converted into permanent landed privileges through legal text and bureaucratic procedure. A warrior rewarded by a Chalukya king received not merely a temporary gift but a heritable right—a foundation for dynasty-building at the regional level. Over generations, such grants accumulated and transformed military subordinates into quasi-independent feudatory chiefs. This process, documented in the Kodad plates and similar inscriptions, explains how large empires gradually fragmented into smaller principalities while maintaining the ideology of a unified system.
Temple Building as Political Strategy
The Mudimanikyam and brick temple discoveries demonstrate that both monumental and modest temple construction were deliberate political strategies. Temples were not merely expressions of religious piety; they were tools for projecting political and cultural presence into territories where royal courts might be geographically distant. A well-constructed, beautifully designed temple in a regional town served as a permanent advertisement of royal patronage and cultural sophistication.
Agrarian Administration and Elite Loyalty
The newly conserved copper plate grants from Telangana provide the most granular evidence for how Chalukya power was maintained through agrarian management. These plates record:
- Boundary specifications: Precise definitions of land parcels, indicating sophisticated cartographic understanding
- Tax divisions: Categories of land taxed at different rates, reflecting different agricultural potentials and uses
- Village allocations: Systematic distribution of resources among communities and individuals
These records illuminate a political economy where land grants were carefully calibrated to reward loyal subordinates while maintaining agricultural productivity. An elite family granted fertile river-valley land would prosper and remain grateful; a family granted marginal lands might seek alliance elsewhere. The grants thus represent calculated political decisions, not arbitrary donations. Each plate is a small window into the pragmatic calculations of medieval power.
Conclusion: Toward a More Complete Understanding
The discovery and analysis of Kodad copper plates, Mudimanikyam temple, brick temple foundations, and newly conserved Telangana grants collectively reshape our understanding of the Chalukya dynasty. These material remains demonstrate that Chalukya power was not the product of centralized royal authority imposing itself from above. Rather, it emerged from a sophisticated web of interconnected practices: inscriptions that documented decisions and fixed them in public memory, temples that physically manifested royal piety and authority, land grants that bound regional elites through economic self-interest, and administrative networks that coordinated diverse territories.
The Kodad plates show how legal texts formalized the conversion of military service into hereditary privilege, thereby enabling the gradual emergence of regional feudatory dynasties. The Mudimanikyam temple complex and brick temple foundations demonstrate that Chalukya elites deliberately employed architecture—whether monumental or modest—to express political presence and engage with diverse communities across their vast territories.
Most importantly, these discoveries shift scholarly focus from courtly chronicles and royal conquests to the everyday institutions that sustained Chalukya rule: the scribes who wrote grants, the priests who consecrated temples, the administrators who managed villages, and the elites who negotiated power within a system of mutual obligation and benefit.
Future research in archives, excavation of additional temple sites, and scientific analysis of material remains will continue to illuminate these institutional foundations of medieval power. Yet already, these recent discoveries make clear that understanding the Chalukyas requires attending not to military campaigns alone but to the mundane instruments—stones, seals, and grants—through which authority was actually constructed and maintained across six centuries of rule in the medieval Deccan.
References
[1] Kodad Copper Plate (c. 918 CE). Records coronation grant of Vengi Chalukya king with genealogy, land rewards, and taxation clauses. Earliest clear reference to emerging Kakatiya chiefs.
Further Reading
- Mudimanikyam Panchakūta Temple (8th–9th century). Five-shrine Chalukya-style complex in Telangana with architectural blend of Kadamba and Nagara traditions.
- Brick Temple Foundations (11th century, Maharashtra). Archaeological evidence of regional architectural adaptation and experimentation.
- Copper Plate Grants (Telangana). Records of agrarian administration, tax divisions, and village allocations demonstrating detailed fiscal management strategies.
articles
Archaeological Wealth of Sirsee Village
Published
7 days agoon
January 13, 2026By
Suprabho Roy
Sirsee Village in Lalitpur district, Uttar Pradesh, reveals a treasure trove of archaeological remains spanning centuries. This small settlement, rich in sculptures, hero stones, temple fragments, and a moated fort, connects to broader historical networks of the Gupta, Gurjara-Pratihara, and Bundela periods. Recent documentation highlights its untapped potential for understanding regional cultural continuity.
Location and Context
Sirsee lies 28 km from Lalitpur, 54 km from Deogarh, 10 km from Siron Khurd (ancient Siyadoni), and 24 km from Talbehat. Nestled amid key historical centers from the Gupta (4th-6th century CE) and post-Gupta eras, it sits near trade routes like the Jhansi-Bhopal path. Nearby Siyadoni, founded in the Gurjara-Pratihara period (8th-11th century CE), underscores Sirsee’s role in economic and cultural exchanges.
Archaeological Sites
Researchers identified seven key locations with artifacts, many in deteriorated states yet revered by locals.
Site 1: Features a hero stone and temple members, hinting at martial commemorations and religious structures.
Site 2: Includes a fort with Surya and Ganesha sculptures, Bundela-style jharokha (balcony), and a temple complex encircled by a moat.
Site 3: Hosts a Mahishasur Mardini (Durga slaying the buffalo demon) sculpture and mural paintings.
Site 4: Contains broken sculptures, an inscription, hero-stone fragments, and a Hanuman figure near temple ruins.
Site 5: Displays additional broken sculptures and ruins, possibly linked to later shrines.
Site 6: Encompasses another temple complex with structural remnants.
Site 7 (implied): Sati stambha (memorial pillars) and further fragments, indicating post-medieval practices.
Satellite imagery from Google Earth (2025 Airbus and Maxar) maps these sites, showing the fort’s scale (up to 200m) and strategic layout.
Key Artifacts
Sculptures dominate, including broken icons of deities like Mahishasur Mardini, Surya, Ganesha, and Hanuman, often in black stone or similar material. Hero stones and sati stambhas suggest battles and sati rituals, common in medieval India. Inscriptions, though fragmented, may reveal patronage or events, while temple fragments point to Shaivite or Vaishnavite worship. Bundela-style elements, like jharokhas, link to 16th-18th century Rajput architecture in Bundelkhand.
Historical Significance
Earliest occupation likely dates to the 11th-12th century CE, based on sculptural styles, though proximity to Gupta sites suggests earlier influences. The fort implies defensive needs, possibly tied to trade route conflicts or regional power struggles. Hero stones evoke battles, aligning with Pratihara-era warfare, while the moat and location near Siyadoni indicate a trade or worship hub. Continuity persists as villagers worship these relics, blending ancient heritage with living tradition.
Research Questions
The presentation raises critical queries: What defines Sirsee’s occupation timeline? Why build a fort here? Did trade or pilgrimage drive its prominence? Evidence of wars? Connections to Gupta, Pratihara, or Bundela rulers? No systematic study exists, urging documentation to trace settlement origins and evolution. Yashraj Panth, Research Associate at Sharva Purattav Solution Private Limited, calls for further exploration.
Sirsee embodies Bundelkhand’s layered past, from medieval sculptures to Bundela forts, demanding preservation and study.
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