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Response to New York Times Denigrating Ganesha

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(Picture of Ganesha procession in Mumbai that appeared in the NYT)

Two weeks ago, it was Gardiner Harris, South Asia Correspondent of the New York Times (NYT) bemoaning the rise of Narendra Modi in India (link). A week later, it was Ellen Barry, again of NYT, troubled by the immense display of faith to the most popular deity, Ganesha, of the oldest living non-aggressive tradition of this world (link).

It is interesting that in his biography, Gardiner readily admits (link) that ‘the complexity of India is paralyzing’. Having written about science, medicine and food, he begins to write about not just Politics, but Indian Politics. By parroting stereotypes offered by the incumbent ruling party of India, he has proved beyond doubt that the leap from food to Indian politics isn’t for him. (For more, see here)

I re-read Ms. Barry’s article (link) on the Ganesha celebration to identify the crimes committed by Mumbaiites that attracted her ire. I did not find anything obvious.

Is she worried that corporations seem to be sponsoring this festival? Does Barry know that Hinduism is unlike any Abrahamic religion, and that its vision of the Almighty so all encompassing that it stands apart from the exclusivist religions such as Christianity and Islam. This makes companies in India associate with this tradition without being “branded” as having religious affiliation. Does Ellen Barry know that the word Hinduism is itself a western projection on a tradition that is not quite a religion in the Abrahamic sense?

Perhaps Barry is worried that with the price of vegetables like onions shooting through the roof, Hindus have their priorities misplaced – spending money on clay images of Ganesha, only to immerse all of these in the ocean! How can a population be so sadistic as to drown their own revered Deity? To understand this ritual, Barry will have to do some homework on Trantra Shaastra and Yoga Shaastra.

Or is Barry deeply concerned about the “gaudiness” of “this year’s crop of Ganeshas”? Perhaps she doesn’t know that a common ritual during this season involves adults and children making forms of Ganesha in clay at home, and then performing a puja (i.e. invoking the almighty in the new form). Never does a Hindu judge a form of the Almighty by its appearance, except to appreciate a beautifully formed solid form. Even otherwise, how does it matter to Barry if these clay forms are beautiful or not? And then the dancing men appear to her like “red ghosts”? By categorizing devotees with such mean words, she is demonizing and denigrating a culture and its people. Would she dare to write about Id-ul-Fitr in a demeaning way?

I challenge Ellen Barry to instead engage in a more constructive study of the seeming contradictions, symbology and metaphysics of Hinduism.

Perhaps Barry is allergic to rituals? Is she conditioned by a religion that has branded deities and worship of figurines of the divine (“Thou shalt not make … an idol, or any likeness of what is in heaven above or on the earth beneath or in the water under the earth.” Exodus 20:4, or ‘Cursed be the man who makes a carved or cast metal image, an abomination to the Lord,…’ Deuteronomy 27:15) and therefore has been taught to view Hindus as ‘pagans’ or ‘devil worshipers’?

Barry quotes a Mr. Sundakar “Ganesh doesn’t sort anything out for you, in my personal experience, … Last year, I didn’t bring an idol, and I had a good job. This year, I brought an idol and I am unemployed.” “I don’t like Ganesh,” he said. “Maybe it’s random chance. But I think he is bad luck for me.”

This shows how low Ellen Barry will stoop to denigrate Hinduism. How hard is it to get somebody to say “Jesus doesn’t sort anything out for me. Last year I was a Hindu, I was doing well. They forced me to convert to Christianity under the pretext of Jesus Saves and now I am in the streets left holding a cross. Missionaries are ruining the country.” In fact, there is ample evidence that Missionaries are systematically fragmenting India under the guise of charity and human rights, with covert and overt assistance from the West. I recommend a reading of the book “Breaking India” to get a glimpse of the demographic and cultural violence perpetuated by the Western nexuses.

It is also possible that Barry is troubled by the “lavish spending on temple, rituals …” A bit of history might help her. Indian civilization was a center of learning of arts, architecture, technology, mathematics, and philosophies for many centuries in the first millennium. Then, waves of Islamic incursions started in the 700 CE and lasted 1000 years. One of their favorite pass times is the destruction of temples and idols. For example, in 1024 CE, Mahmud of Ghazni took pride in personally destroying the idol of Shiva in the Somnath temple in Gujarat, while his henchmen plucked jewels and rubies from the walls and idols of the temples, and then began breaking all idols. The temple was rebuilt several decades later, only to be destroyed again by Allauddin Khilji in 1296. (He also boasted that “fifty thousand infidels were dispatched to hell by the sword” and “more than twenty thousand slaves, and cattle beyond all calculation fell into the hands of the victors”, but that is secondary). The temple was rebuilt again 15 years later, only to meet destruction 3 more times. All told, more that 2000 temples were destroyed throughout India. Is it possible that the trauma that Indians suffered makes them even more attracted to spending on temples and rituals? Barry should read the book “Hindu Temples – What Happened to Them”.

Here are more ideas that I have for Barry if she wants to improve her writeups from meaningless rambling to authoritative scholarship. In 2004, an Aryan burial was found in the city of Omsk (Link). Then in 2007, a statue of Vishnu was discovered in the Volga region dated more than 1000 years ago (Link). Do these represent artifacts of trade alone or thriving Hindu communities? Are there any similarities between the customs of Russian orthodox church and Hinduism? Is it true that the Russian ceremony Vizhnyir Ekoratsya Vikhunh is the equivalent of Vaikhunta Ekadasi of Hinduism?

Being a American journalist serving as a Moscow Bureau Chief, perhaps Barry would be interested in language. It appears that hundreds of Russian words show stark similarity with Sanskrit. Here is a small sample:

Russian

Meaning

Sanskrit

SutraThread, yarn, stringSutra
ViraamaTo stopViraama
BoyaFearBhaya
PiTo drinkPi
TapotTo make warm, meltTapati
VidTo knowVid
SeeditSitsSeedati
BogGodBhaga
VakoracrookedVakra
SushkaDryShushka
UsṭhaLipOshṭha
DverDoorDvaara

Is this similarity coincidental, and if not, what was the nature of cultural exchange between the two civilizations?

How is Hinduism different from Abrahamic religions? Is Hinduism based on dogma? What is the significance of the doctrine of Karma and how does it help those who believe in it? What are the important metaphysical contributions of Hinduism to humanity?

Vishnu Idol

(Picture of Vishnu in that appeared in the NYT)

This article by Ellen Barry shows not only her immaturity, but also the irresponsibility of The New York Times (NYT) for approving articles that denigrate Hinduism. Hindus will seriously consider unsubscribing to the NYT unless the article is retracted and corrected.

Press Release: http://www.indiacause.com/blog/2013/10/08/response-to-new-york-times-denigrating-ganesha/

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CONSTRUCTING GENDER IDENTITIES IN DEATH : RETHINKING MORTUARY ARCHAEOLOGY THROUGH THE EVIDENCE OF SINAULI

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The archaeological site at Sinauli in Uttar Pradesh has provided significant insight into ancient burial practices, gender identities, and social hierarchy in South Asia. The evidence uncovered at Sinauli challenges long-held assumptions and offers fresh perspectives on mortality, gender roles, and elite status in ancient Indian society.

Location and Historical Context

Sinauli is situated in the Baghpat district of western Uttar Pradesh, lying within the fertile Upper Ganga-Yamuna Doab region. It is associated with the Ochre Coloured Pottery (OCP) culture, which dates back to the early second millennium BCE. This site gained attention due to its unique burial practices, especially those involving women and the material assemblages found with their graves.

Overview of Excavations

The Sinauli excavations were initiated in 2005 under archaeologist D.V. Sharma, and further work was conducted in 2018 by Dr. Sanjay Manjul. In 2005, archaeologists uncovered 116 burials, typically oriented north-south, along with ochre-colored pottery. The 2018 excavations revealed even greater complexity, including wooden coffins adorned with copper sheets, rectangular boxes, antenna swords, helmets, shields, pots, and controversial wheeled vehicles—leading to a debate over whether these were chariots or carts.

Types of Burials

Sinauli yielded four primary burial types:
– Symbolic burials without skeletons.
– Primary burials with full skeletons.
– Secondary or fragmented burials.
– Multiple burials containing fragmented remains.

Gender Distinctions in Burial Practices

A significant contribution of Sinauli is its challenge to conventional views on gender and mortuary archaeology. Certain burials, notably those identified by Asko Parpola, show that elite women were sometimes interred in richly decorated coffins with martial symbols such as swords, shields, and wheeled vehicles. Coffins for women featured steatite inlay and were often covered, in contrast to men’s coffins, which generally had copper sheathing and were left uncovered. Such differentiation suggests elaborate symbolism surrounding gender and possibly ritual seclusion or heightened sacredness for women in death.

One highly debated aspect is the absence of feet in Burial-1, which might suggest less earthly mobility or represent a transformation from earthly to transcendent status.

Rethinking Weaponry and Gender

The presence of weapons, such as copper antenna swords and shields, in women’s graves at Sinauli has prompted scholars to reconsider rigid notions of gender roles. These martial objects could signal the dead’s authority—either as warriors or ritual leaders—thus broadening our understanding of gender within ancient funerary contexts. Interestingly, such elaborate martial symbolism is less prevalent in the male burials at Sinauli.

Symbolism of Coffins and Elite Status

Coffins at Sinauli, rare in South Asian archaeology, were more than mere containers; they symbolically transformed the deceased into sacred beings. Their intricate decoration reflects considerable labor, resources, and craftsmanship, indicating elite status and the possibility of gendered authority within the social hierarchy.

Conclusions and Implications

The burial evidence from Sinauli emphasizes material distinctions that reveal social stratification, hierarchy, and constructed gender roles. While the idea of women warriors remains debated, the presence of martial symbols with elite women points towards complex rituals and conceptions of social power in death. Sinauli thus stands out as a crucial site for rethinking gender identities, social class, and the symbolic aspects of funerary practices in ancient India.

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Rediscovering Sutanuti: IHAR WB CHAPTER’S Second Heritage Walk

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On Sunday, October 26, 2025, the organization Indian History Awareness and Research (IHAR) embarked on its inaugural heritage walk, titled “Rediscovering Sutanuti.”
Dedicated to the study, research, preservation, and public awareness of Indian history, IHAR has long aimed to connect people with the layers of India’s historical and cultural legacy. This heritage walk marked a significant step in that direction.

Why Sutanuti?

The choice of Sutanuti as the focus of IHAR’s first heritage walk was profoundly symbolic.
It was here, on August 24, 1690, that Job Charnock, an officer of the East India Company, is believed to have landed—a moment that would reshape the destiny of Bengal and, indeed, the entire Indian subcontinent.
Although the Company had visited Sutanuti earlier, it was this arrival that initiated a chain of events culminating in nearly two centuries of colonial rule, lasting until August 14, 1947.

On November 10, 1698, the East India Company entered into an agreement with the Sabarna Roy Chowdhury family, acquiring the zamindari (lease rights) of three villages—Kalikata, Govindpur, and Sutanuti—for an annual rent of ₹1300.
This agreement laid the foundation for the rise of Calcutta, though Charnock himself never witnessed it, having passed away in 1693.

Over 335 years later, the Sutanuti of 1690 and that of 2025 appear worlds apart.
Historians still debate the precise locations of Sutanuti Ghat, where Charnock’s ship is believed to have anchored, and Sutanuti Haat, the bustling market once held twice a week for the sale of cotton yarns and threads.
It was this very market that enriched the Seths and Basaks, the early inhabitants of Calcutta, through the textile trade.

Though no physical trace of that port or market survives today, scholars generally agree that Sobhabazar corresponds to the original Sutanuti region.
Accordingly, IHAR chose this locality for its first heritage walk—a symbolic return to the city’s historical roots.

The legacy of Sutanuti lives on in names like Haatkhola (“the open market”), a term derived from the old marketplace and still preserved in local designations such as Haatkhola Post Office.
Similarly, through the efforts of Sutanuti Parishad, the Sobhabazar Metro Station was officially renamed “Sobhabazar Sutanuti.”
Even in the absence of the old market, these surviving names echo the deep emotional and cultural resonance Sutanuti continues to hold for the people of Calcutta and Bengal.

Highlights of the Walk

The heritage walk took participants on a journey through Sutanuti’s remaining landmarks and forgotten corners, each revealing a fragment of Calcutta’s layered past.

B. K. Pal’s House

The first stop was the residence of B. K. Pal, the pioneering Bengali manufacturer and seller of medicines in the 19th century.
His most celebrated creation, Edward Tonic (1887), became a household remedy for fevers and stomach ailments—common and often fatal in colonial Calcutta—earning him a lasting place in Bengal’s medical history.

Shwet Kali Temple

Participants then visited the Shwet Kali Temple on Sobhabazar Street, nearly 300 years old and among the three oldest white Kali temples in Bengal.
Originally a shrine for dacoits, it later became a site of domestic worship. The deity here is distinctive—white in color, two-armed, tongue inside the mouth, and standing over Virupaksha and Kalbhairav, without the usual garland of severed heads.

Raja Janakinath Ray’s Mansion

The walk next stopped at the grand mansion of Raja Janakinath Ray of the Bhagyakul Ray family, prosperous traders from Dhaka and Calcutta.
Built in the 19th century, a part of this palatial building now serves as the Jorabagan Traffic Guard office, while descendants of the Ray family still occupy another section.

Chitpur Road (Rabindra Sarani)

Participants then walked along Chitpur Road, now Rabindra Sarani, regarded as Calcutta’s oldest road, dating back nearly 500 years.
Originally extending from Chitpur to Kalighat and later to Halisahar, the path once cut through dense forests inhabited by wild animals and robbers—an incredible contrast to today’s bustling thoroughfare.

Rameshwar Shiva Temple

Next came the Rameshwar Shiva Temple, built around 1700 by Nandaram Sen, the first native tax collector under the British official Mr. Sheldon.
Standing 80 feet tall, the temple mirrors the Aatchala style of the Kalighat Kali Temple and houses a six-foot-high Shivalinga.

Kumartuli and the Artisans

The walk then entered Kumartuli, where artisans were crafting Jagaddhatri idols.
Participants met Amit Ranjan Karmakar, a rare collector and restorer of vintage radios, tape recorders, and gramophones—all maintained in working order.

Radhagobinda and Baneshwar Shiva Temples

The Radhagobinda Temple and the Aatchala Baneshwar Shiva Temple, built by Bonomali Sarkar, another British-era official, were the next stops.
While the Radhagobinda Temple remains in fair condition, the Baneshwar Shiva Temple lies in neglect, its once-fine terracotta work fading amid weeds.

Kaviraj Gangaprasad Sen’s House

The group then visited the home of Kaviraj Gangaprasad Sen, the eminent 19th-century Ayurvedic physician who migrated from Bikrampur (Dhaka) in 1840.
Revered for his skill, he once treated Sri Ramakrishna Paramahansa and famously predicted that the saint’s illness was incurable—a prophecy now part of Bengal’s spiritual lore.

Dhakeshwari Temple

The Dhakeshwari Temple in Kumartuli houses a 800–1000-year-old ashtadhatu idol, originally enshrined in Dhaka by King Ballal Sen.
After Partition, the idol was smuggled to Calcutta in 1948 and relocated to its present temple in 1950, where it continues to be worshipped.

Madanmohan Temple

The majestic Madanmohan Temple, established in 1761 by Gokul Chandra Mitra, came next.
Once spread across 56 bighas, the temple houses a black stone deity associated with a legend involving King Chaitanya Singh of Mallabhum.
Its Raas and Annakut festivals are still celebrated annually.

Siddheshwari Mata Temple and the Black Pagoda

The final stop was the Siddheshwari Mata Temple in Baghbazar, believed to be over 500 years old.
Founded by a monk named Kalibor, it later came under the worship of the Chakraborty family and their descendants.
The goddess, affectionately known as “The Ginni Maa of Baghbazar,” was revered even by Girish Ghosh and Sri Ramakrishna, the latter once offering tender coconuts for the recovery of Keshab Chandra Sen.

Across the street stands the Black Pagoda, constructed between 1725 and 1730 by Govinda Ram Mitra, the second native revenue collector after Nandaram Sen.
Standing originally over 165 feet tall, it once surpassed even the Ochterlony Monument (Sahid Minar) in height before being partially destroyed in the cyclone of 1737.
Its surviving fragments still whisper tales of Sutanuti’s lost grandeur.

A Journey Through Memory

Thus concluded IHAR’s first heritage walk—a journey through the forgotten heart of Sutanuti, where every lane, temple, and crumbling mansion still bears the faint echo of Calcutta’s beginnings.
Though time has erased much of the physical landscape, the spirit of Sutanuti endures—in its names, in its memories, and in the hearts of those determined to rediscover it.

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Preserving Bengal’s Intellectual Legacy: IHAR West Bengal Chapter Undertakes Detailed Survey of Uttarpara Joykrishna Mukherjee Public Library

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The site visit report on the Uttarpara Joykrishna Mukherjee Public Library is a comprehensive survey conducted by the Indian History Awareness Research (IHAR) team, highlighting the library’s unparalleled status as a treasure trove of rare manuscripts, books, and archival materials crucial for understanding Bengal and India’s cultural and intellectual heritage. This survey was prompted by concerns raised by the descendants of Shri Joykrishna Mukherjee regarding the fragile state of invaluable collections within this historic institution. As an independent organization committed to heritage conservation, IHAR assessed the library to recommend steps for its safekeeping, digitization, and modernization, thereby continuing the library’s legacy as a pillar of learning and knowledge since its inception in 1859.

The project was overseen by Project Director Shri Surya Sarathi Roy, Director of India Operations at IHAR. The IHAR team comprised notable members including Shri Bhujang Bobde (Director, Karnataka Epigraphic Conservationist Archives), Ms. Manideepa Basu (Executive Member, Indian Museum), Ms. Mouli Roy (Executive Member, National Library), and Shri Sumit Ganguly (Co-Convenor Academic, IHAR), among others. Their collective expertise in history, museology, conservation, and law was pivotal in conducting a detailed evaluation of the library’s current condition and proposing actionable measures for its preservation.

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